Effect of Group Dynamics

Effect of Group Dynamics

Despite disagreement about how best to conduct and interpret groupthink research, one finding emerged with some consistency in a literature review of groupthink research in the late 1990s. Specifically, the literature review showed that neither case study analyses nor laboratory studies confirmed the link between group cohesion and concurrence-seeking tendency (Esser, 1998). Some argue, however, that Janis defined cohesion incorrectly. Rather than defining it in terms of mutual attraction of group members, Turner and Pratkanis (1998) define cohesion in terms of social identity, and the collective attempt of the group to maintain a positive group image. They argue that the tendency toward consensus-seeking can be reduced by eliminating the need for the group to engage in identity protection; by giving groups a potential excuse for poor performance—or face-saving mechanism—the group is more likely to entertain alternative decisions. Others have found it more fruitful to define cohesiveness in terms of loyalty to leadership (Esser, 1998). Park (2000) confirms the relationship between group cohesiveness and symptoms of groupthink, although how cohesiveness is defined is unclear.

In general, research on groupthink has “produced as many questions (and methodological issues) as answers” (Esser, 1998, p. 135). McCauley (1989, as cited in Esser, 1998), for example, questions Janis’s conceptualization of consensus-seeking behavior as internalization, or private acceptance of the group decision. McCauley’s (1989) analysis of six groupthink cases revealed that in at least two cases, consensus was achieved through compliance, or public agreement with the group decision in the absence of private acceptance. Such distinctions could have important implications for groupthink theory. Similarly, ‘t Hart (1990, as cited in Esser, 1998) and colleagues have attempted to differentiate groupthink driven by a pessimistic view of the likely outcome and groupthink driven by an overly optimistic view. In the former, holding each member accountable for the group decision could help offset groupthink, whereas it is likely to have little effect if the group is driven by optimism. Finally, literature reviews of groupthink research suggest the need for methodological innovations, especially with regard to laboratory research. Because most symptoms of groupthink represent private feelings—feelings of invulnerability, morality, etc.—questionnaires designed to assess groupthink should ask subjects to evaluate themselves, not members of the entire group (Esser, 1998). Most studies ask subjects to assess all members of the group, putting them in a position of a less reliable outside observer.

Although most research is driven by the goal of modifying or extending Janis’s original theory of groupthink, there are some who feel it should be abandoned altogether. Fuller and Aldag (1998) argue that “continued attention to groupthink is unfortunate and misguided” (p. 163). The popularity of groupthink, they believe, has directed researcher’s attention away from the more general, and more promising, decision-making literature. Furthermore, groupthink is not simply an example of a failed theory, but rather an example of blind acceptance and “retrospective sensemaking” (Fuller & Aldag, 1998, p. 165). For these authors, groupthink has become an urban legend, instead of a sociological theory with any explanatory value. The majority, however, agree with Esser (1998), who concludes “it is too early to attempt to pass judgment on groupthink theory. Much more research is needed before we can determine whether the theory is valid, whether modifications of the theory are needed, or whether the theory should be discarded altogether” (p. 139). Since Esser’s conclusion, groupthink theory has remained alive and well, albeit with continuous reexamination and the creation of alternate models of groupthink, such as Robert Baron’s ubiquity model (2005).

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